This wasn’t supposed to happen here. Then again, this isn’t supposed to happen anywhere.

Two days ago, a one-room schoolhouse, tucked away in the idyllic, grassy folds of Pennsylvania's Amish country, was turned into an execution chamber when a gunman yielded to old demons and shot 10 young Amish girls before killing himself. Five of the girls died.

The week before, another gunman slipped into a Colorado high school, captured six girls and killed one. The siege ended when he killed himself.

Also that week, a student in rural Wisconsin, apparently fed up with being bullied, acted out his frustration on the school principal. He shot him to death.

Predictably, people are, once again, scrambling for answers to deal with this plague of school violence -- the kind that struck terror into the hearts of suburbanites back in 1999 when two social misfits and Nazi admirers, Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris, massacred 12 people at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado. Psychologists are getting much air time analyzing the patterns of such killers, and security firms are betting on higher stock prices.

But while I, like any other person with a pulse, empathize with those who have been personally touched by the tragedies of school shootings, I can’t offer a solution as much as I can point to a lesson.

That lesson being that isolated, middle-class white communities don’t provide an escape from the gun violence that is used to characterize -- and to stereotype -- black urban communities. And the idea that one can deal with fears of violence by simply moving away from black people is an idea that should have been shot to hell -- pardon the pun -- at least since the Columbine massacre.

It still persists, though.

mish, whose isolation and old-fashioned ways are part of their religion, many of the people who move to places such as Littleton and Bailey, Colorado are part of a new wave of white flight. For this group, fears of crime and its associated pathologies lead them to leave cities when they become too black or Hispanic. So they move to the suburbs and exurbs, where they settle in and vote for George W. Bush.

What they don’t realize, or what they don’t care to realize, is that when they flee and deplete the tax base, the problem that they claim to be escaping becomes worse. Much of the violence, especially the homicides, among young black men is spawned by turf wars over the drug trade -- the only occupation some of them believe is available to them since many of the legitimate jobs have been outsourced to the suburbs or overseas.

But here’s the thing: While black males have higher rates of homicide than white males, we know that much of that problem can be cured by putting energy into creating jobs. We know that much of that problem stems from issues of disrespect and devaluation, not psychosis. Instead of dealing with that, however, many people would rather view it as an inevitable consequence of being poor and black. And so, they move away.

And in doing so, many of them underestimate the propensity for violence in the white people around them.

Notice, for example, how Klebold and Harris, as well as Duane Morrison, the Bailey high school shooter; and Charles Carl Roberts, the Amish school shooter, killed themselves after committing murder. That should draw attention to the fact that white males commit suicide at higher rates than any other group. According to the National Institute of Mental Health, they account for 73 percent of all suicides and 80 percent of all firearm suicides.

But more than that, it should also draw more attention to the fact that suicide is no longer just a personal thing; that now, a white guy with suicidal tendencies and access to a gun might want to take a few people with him.

We’ve seen it happen.

No doubt, the school shootings are tragic. And this column is not an attempt to blame the victims, but a means to get people to see that there is no escape or safe place from gun violence. It is everyone’s problem.

One that could be dealt with if stereotypes weren’t allowed to get in the way.

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has long been a defender of the Constitution, and has been at the forefront when civil liberties have been violated or jeopardized. This is particularly true for discrimination, an undeniable wrong. A constant theme in the American narrative is that the civil liberties of the most vulnerable segments of America are traditionally the most at risk, and usually the first to go. Women, people of color and the poor have been the first victims of discrimination, whose civil liberties are categorically eliminated.

Most important, is that discrimination does not exist in a vacuum, and it was not introduced by the advocates of affirmative action and equal opportunity. Rather, those urging our state to vote ``No'' on Proposal 2, the so-called Michigan Civil Rights Initiative (MCRI), understand that discrimination now and in the past is why we still need affirmative action and equal opportunity programs. The threat against the civil liberties of women and people of color is ultimately a threat to everyone's civil liberties and to the Constitution itself. This is why the ACLU and more than 200 other organizations actively oppose Proposal 2 -- the MCRI.

In his op-ed of Sept. 17, Bruce Stein, although a fine civil libertarian, is dead wrong on this issue. He falsely claims that affirmative action is discrimination, and makes simplistic and ultimately incorrect comparisons between real discrimination, on the basis of race and gender, and affirmative action, one of the best cures for discrimination. Contrary to Bruce's argument, a ``No'' vote in November on Proposal 2 is the quickest way to equality and a color-blind society.

Bruce's argument that affirmative action constitutes discrimination is based on the premise that this country's greatness is founded on meritocracy: a system of advancement based on ability or achievement. However, meritocracy is a myth. It has never existed in this country. There has always been an elite group starting the race for opportunity 50 yards ahead of women, the poor and people of color, who, in turn, have been held back from the starting line by everything from Jim Crow, to the lack of educational equity and parity, and by glass-ceiling sexism.

So clear is the recognition that racism is alive, well and institutionalized here in this community, that its leadership was continuing the fight against it at the Third Annual Summit on Racism held Sept. 22. The notion that we live in a color-blind society, where merit is the only consideration, is not only disingenuous, it is flatly incorrect. For instance, unless women are allowed the ability to compete equally with men, which is what affirmative action provides, they will continue to earn 67 cents for every male dollar, as is the case today in Michigan.

Affirmative action lets women and people of color start the race for opportunity from the same starting line as white males. But from that point on, they are on their own. Whether they finish ahead or behind is where the real measure of merit should be. The students admitted to the University of Michigan; Latino workers employed by Kalamazoo County; women and minorities participating in public contracting as minority owned businesses still must rely on their own achievement and ability to successfully perform.

According to Bruce, and the proponents of Proposal 2, the very programs that try to diversify business, the trades, industry and higher education, where the presence of women and people of color is lacking, qualify as discriminatory. But leading Fortune 500 CEOs and Chambers of Commerce across the state consider affirmative action a business prerequisite, articulating that a diverse and representative workforce is an essential component of any smart business strategy. Our state, currently spiraling economically downward, can ill afford to subscribe to the reactionary lead of a wealthy Californian and his fringe following, and must safeguard affirmative action to attract more jobs into Michigan. Jennifer Granholm and Dick DeVos know this, and both stand against Proposal 2.

The disparity between white America and people of color in Michigan is an undeniable reality and an impediment for real competition in a meritocracy. By condemning people of color for their alleged failure to measure up to a white male is the product of institutional racism that penetrates all walks of life in the country, and whose elimination is the ultimate goal of affirmative action. Americans have never been similarly situated, and laws have long been used as an instrument to perpetuate this inequality. Those Michigan women who earn 67 cents to every dollar earned by men in the same line of work still have to pay the same price for gas, bread and milk. This year's incoming student body class at the University of California-Los Angeles (UCLA), where affirmative action has been abolished since 1996, will only have 96 African-American students (2 percent), the majority of whom are athletes. Yet, African-Americans in California pay the very taxes that fund this great public university.

The ACLU is deeply committed to defeating discrimination, particularly the misleading MCRI banner which seeks to turn the clock back on civil liberties and civil rights in Michigan. Our unbending commitment to equal protection and the Constitution urges us to stand against the MCRI, and urge Michigan voters to vote ``No'' on Proposal 2 in November.

INDIANAPOLIS - Kindergarten teacher Carolyn Freeman gets $170 from her school for classroom supplies each year — a budget quickly drained by basic items like pencils and crayons for her students, more than 80 percent of whom come from low-income families. So when she wanted $300 for phonics materials, Freeman turned to the Internet, where a philanthropic Web site — DonorsChoose.org — is making teachers' wish lists a reality.

The DonorsChoose program has raised more than $8.2 million for school projects since 2000, when it was pioneered by teachers at a public high school in the Bronx borough of New York City. The program has expanded to seven states and four major cities. DonorsChoose officials hope to eventually offer the service to teachers in all states.

Linda Erlinger, executive director of DonorsChoose Chicago and DonorsChoose Indiana, said the program provides a creative outlet for donors who support education causes.

"People want to help schools, but they don't know how," she said. "They're not going to walk over to the neighborhood school and drop off a $100 check. DonorsChoose is a way they can do it at their desk at work or at home with their kids, picking out projects together."

The wish list is long and varied: a karate program in North Carolina, an incubation kit so students can watch chickens hatch in Los Angeles, a classroom Jeopardy game for students in Mississippi, film-making equipment for a Texas school and phonics materials and ballet barres in Indiana.

Supporters say the program is a boon to cash-strapped schools, especially those with high numbers of poor students.

The program also eases the burden on teachers, who often pay for classroom supplies themselves. A 2003 National Education Association survey found that teachers spent an average of $443 of their own money annually.

At Brookside Elementary School in Indianapolis, 95 percent of the students come from lower-income families. Fourth-grade teacher Lisa Wescott received balances and weights through DonorsChoose.

"I wouldn't be doing this science project without it," Wescott said. "The students get excited about the new stuff we get."

Many donors search for projects based on their areas of interest. Sports fans might shell out money to start an after-school running club, while history buffs can support trips to a local museum. Others, like Joe Power, look for projects at their former schools.

Power, who teaches special needs children in Crown Point, donated money for a video camera at his former high school in a poor area of Alabama.

"It made me feel good to be able to give back and know that it went directly to the school," said Power, who contributed less than $1,000.

Even small donations can help, said Suellen Reed, Indiana's superintendent for public instruction.

"There are a lot of people who can't give $500, but they might be able to give $25," Reed said. "Those add up to getting projects done."

In Indiana, 36 projects have been funded so far and a total of $44,000 has been donated.

Officials acknowledge the program isn't a cure-all.

"DonorsChoose doesn't pretend to fix the challenges facing schools," Erlinger said. "But I think it's underestimated how powerful a new set of calculators or a field trip to the children's museum is for children who haven't had that."

Federal funding for a program designed to help American schools pay for and implement strategies to prevent school violence has declined significantly over the last five years. President Bush wants to eliminate the program altogether. According to his spokespeople, schools are basically safe. A research study published last year tells a different story.

In 2002, the year the study was conducted, there were 17 murders and five suicides among school-age children at school. In 2003, about 5 percent of students reported they skipped school because they were afraid. These numbers may not seem dramatic -- not at first. But 22 children dying at school in one year is 22 children too many. And no child should have to choose between feeling safe and going to school. With crime going up around the country, it’s safe to assume that some of that violent behavior will spill over onto school grounds. Without funding to run violence prevention programs, how can America keep its children safe?

In 2001, school violence prevention programs received more than $430 million; in 2007, the same program will receive much less; federal budget recommendations indicate only $310 million will be spent. Bush’s people have often said the program was ineffective. It stands to reason that the lack of funds make it difficult to develop effective programs and measure their impact. Under the current funding system, more than half of the country’s school districts receive $10,000 or less per year. That’s much too little to make a difference. While school shootings are a rare occurrence, they do happen. Effective on-campus anger management and conflict resolution programs could reduce those numbers even more, saving precious young lives.

Hate crimes and gangs are a part of everyday life in many American schools. Close to 12 percent of students reported that someone used hate-related words against them at school, and 21 percent of public and private students said street gangs had a presence at their schools. With proper prevention tactics and counseling programs, both perpetrators and victims will be able to move beyond these offenses and focus on their education. Students aren’t the only ones subject to violence on school grounds. Research shoes that there are close to 65,000 violent offenses committed against teachers at school. Our nation’s educators should be able to focus their energy on preparing our kids to succeed in a competitive society, not worrying about their personal safety.

According to the FBI, there were more than 1 million violent crimes reported in 2005, an increase from the previous year. America has the largest prison population in the industrialized world; it makes sense this country would want to prevent crime among young people. Doing so would reduce the prison population, increase the college attendance rates and, ultimately, save the nation billions of dollars. Instead, we continue to spend money on new prisons, and we continue to squander resources on a war that does not appear to have an end in sight.

Congress has managed to keep the program going, despite the president’s push to bury it. By maintaining the program and increasing funding, Congress can show the president that America’s priorities should focus in on its future.

• 55% of children in low-income[4] families—15.6 million—have at least one parent who works full-time and year-round.
• 26% of children in low-income families—7.3 million—have at least one parent who works part-time or full-time, part-year.
• 19% of children in low-income families—5.5 million—do not have an employed parent.

Low-income children, by parents’ work status, 2005

Many low-income parents who work part-year or part-time are unable to find full-time, year-round employment.* The majority (57%) of low-income parents only working full-time for part of the year reported they could not find full-year work. 33% of low-income parents working part-time reported they did so because they could not find full-time work.[5] Most low-income parents who did not work at all last year were either disabled or taking care of their families.** Almost half (44%) of low-income parents with no employment reported they were not working because they were taking care of their families. An additional 31% of low-income parents with no employment reported they were not working because they had an illness or disability that kept them from working. Low-income parents who work are more likely to be employed in service occupations. Workers in service occupations are not only likely to have lower earnings and fewer opportunities for full-time employment, but they are also less likely to receive benefits such as health insurance, paid vacation, or holidays.[6]Working parents employed in service occupations, by income level, 2005

• Increase wages. Almost one in three employed, low-income parents works in the service industry—jobs that often pay the minimum wage. Two parents working full-time, year-round for the federal minimum wage of $5.15 an hour earn less than the poverty level for a family of four.[8] The federal minimum wage has not been increased for 9 years. Twenty-two states plus the District of Columbia have a state minimum wage that is higher than the federal one.[9] In the absence of higher wages, the federal Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) increases the value of low-wage work and lifts millions of people out of poverty every year.
• Help low-income working parents with child care costs. Despite the expansion of child care subsidies in the 1990s, coverage rates remain low, especially for families with incomes above the poverty level. To maintain employment, working parents need affordable, stable arrangements for their children.
• Maintain support for Social Security and Supplemental Security Income (SSI). Providing insurance for families who experience the disability or death of a primary breadwinner can provide a safety net for low-income parents and their children. In the Social Security program alone, over 5 million children benefit as dependents of individuals who have died or become disabled, or as members in households that rely on Social Security.[10] For those who do not qualify for Social Security, SSI provides means-tested assistance for disabled adults and children.

Bringing two storied teams, two world class marching bands, and two extraordinary institutions of higher learning together for a winner take all game is more than enough. Or is it?

There’s more to college football classics than tailgating, rekindling old friendships, and cheering on the old alma mater. Eighteen years ago, a two-year old group of determined Atlanta businessmen started on a path to take one of these annual events and create a resource for empowering the community.

The Bank of America Atlanta Football Classic was founded by the 100 Black Men of Atlanta in 1988 to fund their Project Success program. Project Success is a five pronged program designed to identify, encourage, mentor and educate the youth of metro-Atlanta.

Through the program, the 100 Black Men hope to equip the participants with the tools to become valued contributors to their community. And while the program brochures are draped in glamorous descriptions, it is by no means a small undertaking. The members of the organization not only mentor and provide educational resources but they also commit to paying the college tuition of its graduates.